One of the critical questions in
dealing with the challenges of sustainable economic development in indigenous
communities is how to
engage in the contemporary global economic system, while at the same time
preserving critical traditions, values and culture (Hailey, 1987; Henare and
Lindsay, 1999). A significant body of
work has been done on issues of modernity in developing economies, much of it
from the perspectives of anthropology and sociology, as well as development
economics (Pezzoli, 1997; Robins, 2004).
Although there is a growing interest in development in indigenous communities,
less research exists. Business
development, as one aspect of economic development, offers opportunities for
growth and improved economic wellbeing for indigenous communities. However, the question of relevant and
appropriate frameworks for business development that deals with the modernity /
tradition dilemma of these communities, remain largely unanswered.
This paper aims to cast light on this question by providing an
integration of literature relevant to the area. It specifically focuses on integrating the findings, to provide
an understanding of extant research in the area, rather than providing a
discourse on the underlying theoretical stands involved – an aspect open to
analysis, but beyond the intent of this paper.
The paper also draws on the findings from a large study conducted over a
decade on sustainable indigenous development in New Zealand, focusing on
indigenous (Maori)
communities. Detailed accounts of the
findings of this study are reported elsewhere.
The study is aimed at researchers and practitioners, including community
leaders, business owners and policy makers.
It provides an integrated overview of research and knowledge in the area
of sustainable indigenous economic development, which should help to provide
insights into ongoing development initiatives.
The paper is structured as follows.
First, an overview of the meanings and contexts of sustainable
development is provided. This is
followed by a brief review of research on indigenous sustainable development,
drawing on findings from Maori communities to illustrate. The next section is a review of the key
literature on economic development in rural and indigenous settings, noting
that many indigenous communities also face issues associated with their rural
location. Findings on conditions for
success in a range of studies are presented, and then a number of key issues
emerging from the literature on sustainable economic development are discussed. These include considerations associated with
the natural environment and ecotourism, community clearing, generating and
harnessing economic development ideas, the role of external agencies, and
culture and entrepreneurship. The paper
concludes with a discussion of gather implications of the findings for
policy-makers, community leaders and for further research.
Sustainable development has many
definitions and meanings, contingent, for example, on the perspective of
individuals in the context of their social frameworks, contemporary or traditional
views, and culture and ethnicity. The
concept of sustainable development emerged in the 1980s in an attempt to
explore the relationship between development and the environment (Banerjee,
2003). Over 100 definitions of
sustainable development exist (Holmberg and Sandbrook, 1992), but the most
widely used is that of Brundtland (WCED, 1987) arising from the Report of the
Brundtland Commission. The common
definition from this source is: “the
ability to meet the needs of the present without compromising the ability of
future generations … to meet their own needs” (p43). There is also a well-known Kenyan proverb, which articulates the
concept of sustainability: “We do not inherit the earth from our parents, we
borrow it from our children.” (cited in
Pezzoli, 1997, p 549).
Gladwin et al (1995) undertook a
content analysis of sustainable development definitions, and identified several
themes:
·
Human
development;
·
Inclusiveness
(of economic, political, technological and social systems);
·
Connectivity
(of socio-political, economic and environmental goals);
·
Equity
(fair distribution of resources and property rights);
·
Prudent
(avoiding irreversibilities and recognising carrying capacities); and
·
Security
(achieving a safe, healthy, and high quality of life).
Pezzoli (1997) emphasises the point
that, given its various roots and definitions, sustainable development concerns
ideological, political, ecological and environmental factors. A comprehensive review of the derivation of
the concept of sustainable development is provided in Pezzoli (1997). On a
global level, concerns about the consequences of economic growth and
development are increasing (see review by Engel and Engel, 1990). For example, “the impact of science,
technology and economic growth upon people and the environment has become a
matter of increasing ethical and theological concern.” (Pezzoli, 1997, p
16). While economic growth and
environmental sustainability are clearly key components of sustainable
development, social, cultural and political elements are also important
(Duchin, 1996). Banerjee (2003) notes
that the separation of ‘economic’ from ‘social’ is characteristic of Western
economic thought, but it became evident in the late 1960s and 1970s that
economic growth can also lead to adverse social consequences.
Li (2003) undertook a study of
heritage tourism development, considering particularly the sustainability of
heritage and culture in Hong Kong and Singapore communities. This study showed that culture-based tourism
may assist in preserving a
destination’s cultural heritage, but it also accelerates change in the local
society. This depends on a number of factors, particularly government policy
and guidance (Henderson, 2002; Swain, 1989, 1990). For many communities, preservation of heritage and culture must
be weighed against profitable business / commercial development (Wright 1994),
although Li (2003) argues that these are not mutually exclusive outcomes of
development.
Consideration of heritage or tradition
highlights an inherent contradiction between conservation and change in the
development process. For example, the
NZIER (2003) study suggests that, while not universal among Maori, many regard
economic development as a trade-off with other elements, particularly ‘Maoriness’
(p.45). Li (2003) notes that “Heritage
is viewed as part of the cultural tradition of a society, whereas tourism is a
form of modern consumption, dynamic in nature” (p.248); and “Tradition implies
stability or continuity, whereas tourism involves change (Fowler, 1989; Hall
and McArthur, 1993)” (Li 2003, p 249).
According to the NZIER (2003) study, Maori perceive potential risks to
tradition and culture from culture-based tourism. However, Li (2003) also
suggests that this contradiction “between conservation and change constitutes
resources more than threats for heritage tourism” (p 259).
Successful exploitation of sustainable
development based on cultural tradition and traditional practices, such as
heritage tourism, requires communities to desire or accept both continuity and
up to-date representation of their cultural heritage in the 21st century (Li
2003). For Maori, this means recognizing heritage and tikanga from the
perspective of the modern world - accepting the concept of modernity while preserving
the meaning of their heritage and tradition (Haworth et al 1997).
Indigenous views of sustainable
development appear to have broad similarities across different groups. Many of these groups have practised sustainable
development for centuries, and the concept of sustainability is deeply rooted
in their tradition. For Maori,
traditional values help to shape contemporary views of sustainable development
(Henare and Lindsay, 1999). A long-term
perspective is fundamental to these views, with adult Maori concerned that
sustainable development provides a future for their grandchildren (mokopuna),
in the same way that their own lives have been shaped by their predecessors and
ancestors (tupuna). Empirical research
with rural Maori communities, typically poor in economic terms, has identified
the following components of sustainable development that are consistent with
contemporary perspectives of their tradition, values and culture: preservation
of natural and cultural resources, while not excluding their utilisation in
economic advancement; tangible social benefits for all members of the
community, particularly in areas of employment, education, housing and health;
and community control of economic growth, with limits defined by the extent of
trade-offs needed to achieve sustainability (in other words, not 'wealth for
the sake of wealth') (Lindsay, 1996).
Similar key components of definitions of sustainable development are
noted by Gladwin et al (1995).
From his study of small-scale entrepreneurs in
Tanzania, Kristiansen (2002) suggests that the business environment may look
different to entrepreneurs of various social standings and ethnic and class
backgrounds. “New, small-scale
entrepreneurs might not have the appropriate types of motivation, may not
perceive available business opportunities, or could be hindered by formal
procedures and bureaucracy. They are easily marginalized in the liberalized
economy.” (p 284). In attempting to
provide a context in which to understand these issues, Kristiansen draws on two
theoretical bases: x-efficiency (Lieberstein, 1966), and adaptive efficiency
(North, 1993). These are discussed in a
later section of this review, in the context of entrepreneurship.
While the key elements of
sustainable development (social, economic, ecological, and political) present
challenges for indigenous communities, they are also recognised as linked and
interdependent. Sustainable economic
development encompasses a range of contextual elements, even though
sustainability issues are usually addressed in terms of economic outcomes. Indigenous communities have recognised the
holistic nature of sustainable economic development for generations, but only
in very recent years has this realisation become evident in contemporary
Western cultures (e.g. Handy, 1996; Giddens, 1999; Moore, 1996). This realisation has come about with a
growing disenchantment of the economic-centred policies of many countries, and
the consequent social and ecological problems that have arisen (Banerjee,
2003).
It is not surprising, therefore,
that indigenous people may perceive business in ways that are different to
those represented by the dominant paradigm of Western cultures. The distinctions are not, however,
universally held. In the same way that
the capitalist paradigm is challenged by many Western communities (Lindsay,
1996; NZIER, 2003), Maori have views of business that occupy different
positions along the continuum between economics-driven, capitalist models and
holistic perspectives. Research in New
Zealand has shown that Maori who are more inclined to the holistic perspective
are those who respond strongly to the influence of their traditional values
(Haworth et al, 1997; Henare and Lindsay, 1999; NZIER, 2003). Sometimes this results in the explicit
rejection of the capitalist model.
Others, however, separate the role of economics from that of traditional
values and culture, and recognise a need for Maori business to integrate with
the global economic system. Durie’s
(1998 – cited in NZIER, 2003, p. 45) summary of the potential sources of
conflict and misunderstanding arising from Maori collective attitudes and colonial
attitudes to land highlights the contrasts between the role of traditional
values and modern-day views of economic development (NZIER, 2003). Social and cultural implications of these
differences in viewpoints for business development are significant.
Results from empirical studies of Maori
institutions and business suggest that there are similarities and differences
in relation to contemporary Western businesses (Lindsay 1996; Haworth et al,
1997; NZIER, 2003). In this context,
business development may be viewed from three main perspectives; motivations
for business development, business principles and practice, and desired
business outcomes. Maori business
owner/managers perceive that motivations for business and desired business
outcomes are generally different to those represented in contemporary Western
business models, while the principles and practice of business are very
similar. More specifically, Maori
business managers tend to be motivated more by the social needs of their
communities than purely economic objectives.
Business development is seen to provide opportunities for employment and
training of community members, especially the unemployed and unskilled younger
generations. On the other hand, Maori
business managers recognise that business principles and practices must largely
conform to those of contemporary business, if they are to succeed. Business success is necessary to support the
initial motivations and to achieve the desired outcomes, which are also
generally different to Western business expectations. For example, Western business models tend to focus on short-term
profit and other financial outcomes, with maximisation for shareholders being a
key element. Desired outcomes of Maori
business, however, link closely with their initial business motivations. While profit is an important ingredient for
business maintenance and growth, the community is also recognised as an
important long-term stakeholder.
Tradition and culture, therefore, play a role in shaping present-day Maori
business perspectives and practice, at the same time enabling a blending with
some of those of contemporary Western business. Implications of these apparent similarities and differences need
to be considered further in relation to their role in sustainable development
in indigenous communities.
A number of models have been
developed for sustainable economic development at a community level (e.g.
Robinson, 1994). The international
development literature increasingly recognizes the importance of community participation
for effective community development (Uphoff et al, 1998). The community has a stakeholder role either
through its collective membership or through individuals. For example, the community may determine
social, cultural and political frameworks in which local businesses must operate. It may also provide labour and other
resources, and a significant local market. For these reasons, it is helpful to develop models of sustainable
economic development that incorporate these community aspects. This assists the understanding of the
interactions between the community and business development, and the role that
community members play in this interface.
The NZ Institute of Economic
Research proposed four high-level building blocks of economic performance,
relevant to Maori economic development (NZIER, 2003, p. 37). These are:
·
Aspirations: these include the consideration of
culture and values.
·
Opportunities: short-term opportunities are
strongly influenced by history, but policies and individual choices influence
the creation (and destruction) of opportunities.
·
Factors
of influence:
include “educational and legal institutions, and attitudes to markets and
risks. Institutions, including Maori
institutions and central government have key influences.
·
Strategy
and action:
considers “what can be, or needs to be, done to maintain and improve current
performance.”
The recent corporate emphasis on the
benefits of human capital in business competitiveness is consistent with the
value attributed to people by most indigenous communities, and notable in Maori
communities (Haworth et al 1997). Rural
Maori communities generally have a rich, untapped human resource coincident
with a physical primary resource base that is, however, often undeveloped or
declining in economic value. The extent
to which the value of these resources can be leveraged appears to be limited by
both market conditions and insufficiently developed knowledge and specialist
skills. Whether or not sustainable
economic development derives from resource bases such as these, or the
introduction of new knowledge-based resources, or a combination of both, the
implications for human resource and capability development in Maori communities
are considerable. The unique challenge
for indigenous communities in these endeavours is to respect, retain, preserve
and, if possible, rejuvenate, their traditions, culture and values in ways that
are compatible with economic development goals.
The following section provides a
brief review of the contemporary literature on sustainable economic development
in rural and indigenous communities. While the literature on Maori sustainable
economic development is limited, the broader literature provides a base, from
which parallels with Maori communities may be drawn, at the same time
recognising their unique cultural context.
This section provides an overview of the broad
literature on sustainable economic development in rural and indigenous
communities. It is organised around the
following key themes that emerge from the literature: conditions for success;
environmental concerns and ecotourism; economic development ideas; external
agencies, collaboration and networks; state, regional or local development;
cultural considerations and entrepreneurship.
The eclectic nature of research on
sustainable development is evidenced by the range of fields that the topic
covers. Pezzoli (1997) identified what he refers to as ten fields of discourse
on sustainability. These are:
managerialism, policy, planning, economics, environmental sciences, ecology,
chemistry, biology, geology and climatology.
Underlying these are four principal challenges concerning: “1. holism
and co-evolution, 2. social justice and equity, 3. empowerment and community
building, and 4. sustainable production and reproduction.” (p549).
The link between ecology and culture is most explicit in the
co-evolutionary approach, particularly as articulated by Norgaard (1994). This perspective views development as a
co-evolutionary process between cultural and ecological systems. Further,
people are a “co-evolutionary” part of the web of life.” (Pezzoli, 1997). Norgaard (1994) also reflects critically on
the assumptions of progress as being rooted in modernism, and talks about this
as “development betrayed”. (p1).
The focus of many studies on sustainable economic
development in communities has been on the conditions and characteristics of
success. These can be broadly divided
into those important at the community level and those important at the
individual business level. This section
describes some of these studies in more detail, in order to understand the
underlying implications of the conditions for success.
Coates et al (1992) comment that rural areas (in the US)
are more likely to demonstrate economic failure than success, with little in
between. The successes include
retirement and recreation communities, area trade centres, government centres,
academic communities and entrepreneurial centres. Failures include rural communities, which have based their
economies on extracting a natural resource, such as mining and agriculture;
these communities are expected to decline and offer fewer employment
opportunities for rural residents.
These findings are supported by the US Report on Rural Economic
Development for the 90’s, (Edgell and Staiger, 1992). On the other hand, Parks (1992) has shown that it is possible to
attract agricultural investment (for dairying) into a rural community in the
US, by the establishment of a specific programme, utilising shared resources
and public/private coalitions. Such
co-operative ventures, involving private and public sector partners, or
partnerships between other stakeholders, appear to be playing an increasingly
important role in rural and small community development (for example,
Elferdink, 1992).
Strategies for the revival of rural economies have
indicated the importance of the following factors: educational reform, new
technologies, government policies and building and maintenance of
infrastructure. According to Coates et
al (1992), the extent to which these complementary factors are implemented will
determine the future economic development scenario. These and other factors have been widely identified by research
on the economic development of small rural communities (for example, Leistritz
et al, 1992a and 1992b - see discussion below)
Leistritz et al (1992b), in studying the retail sector
in a number of small rural communities in the US, found the following factors
to be important for revitalisation and success: a strong economic base (to
support the retail trade), business management training, mechanisms to transfer
business operations, innovative funding mechanisms for new and potential
businesses, and planning for the future.
Among the broad characteristics of success, Leistritz et al also noted a
number of specific critical needs common to the three different communities
surveyed. The broad characteristics and
critical needs are discussed below.
The characteristics of the communities demonstrating success in
their retailing sector (Leistritz et al, 1992b) were fourfold: organisation,
financing, recruitment, and promotion.
The following organisational success characteristics were
identified:
- strong
community organisations e.g. a local business group, usually without any paid
employees, but with officers and/or a board of directors
- a local Chamber of Commerce, often with the employment of an
economic development coordinator
-
cooperation between county (region) and city councils, combining resources to
hire a development coordinator; cooperation sometimes extended to several
regions and cities
- a strong spirit of, and commitment to, cooperation between
organisations within the communities.
This is often seen as the key to rural economic development (Daniels
and Crockett, 1988), but lack of financing was not seen as a problem for
established businesses in Leistritz et al’s (1992b) study. Banks were the main source of funding for
these businesses. However, without
substantial owner equity, banks regarded new and aspiring businesses as risky
and imprudent. Credit unions appeared
to be more willing than banks to make loans to businesses in smaller towns and
communities. A variety of innovative
funding mechanisms were used by businesses and communities in the study,
including "silent partnerships" and revolving loan funds.
The concept of micro-financing has become increasingly popular as a
successful mechanism for funding new businesses (Dyck, 2002). Largely led by the early financing
endeavours of Professor Muhammad Yunus of Bangladesh in 1976 for
micro-entrepreneurs, to assist in overcoming poverty, the concept has now
“taken the international development community by storm.” (Dyck, 2002,
p361). As of 2000, the bank that he
founded in 1983 (the Grameen Bank) had helped over 2.3 million clients in over
40,000 villages, and had disbursed over US $3.25 billion. The concept of microfinancing has been
recognized by the United Nations, “encouraging all those interested in “poverty
eradication programmes to consider incorporating microcredit schemes in their
strategies.” (United Nations, 1997).
Leistritz et al (1992b) found that successful attraction of new
businesses and industry was important to ongoing business success. This includes both new basic sector
employers and diversification of the local retail sector. However, in some cases, it was shown that,
although the communities were able to develop strong industrial sectors, the
retail sector remained weak. This
breakdown of the multiplier effect generally resulted from community members
spending their money elsewhere e.g. the nearest large town or city, for the
reasons discussed earlier. There is
some evidence to show that, in order to prevent people from buying goods and
services elsewhere, and to preserve the multiplier effect within a community,
the community's economy must be reasonably diverse and self-sufficient. Where the multiplier effect is preserved,
the original economic activity can often be doubled, or even more (Gordon and
Mulkey, 1978; Leistritz et al, 1982).
Strong promotional campaigns to attract outside people to the
community were a characteristic of success in Leistritz et al’s (1992b)
study. Attractions included shopping,
annual events, local attractions (e.g. natural, cultural, and historical) and
local specialised services. Promotional
media which proved most successful were pamphlets (bi-weekly or monthly), local
newspaper, local radio stations, and word-of-mouth; other useful devices
included billboards, displays and video-tapes.
The critical needs of business communities as identified
by Leistritz et al (1992b), are discussed below.
The communities' experiences of heavy dependence on agriculture, or
just one or two major manufacturing firms, demonstrated the need to broaden the
economic base and reduce susceptibility to economic fluctuations in any one
sector. Successful economic diversification was shown to require efforts in a
number of key areas, outlined above. In
particular, diversification may result from the recruitment of new businesses
into, as well as entrepreneurship within, the communities concerned.
A key factor was the need for communities to take a strategic
approach to their economic development efforts. This involved (i) determining the community goals, (ii)
identifying available resources and constraints, with the aim of (iii)
identifying the town's comparative advantage relative to other towns and
localities (these advantages could, for example, be based on a natural resource
base, the availability of serviced land, location, and skills of the labour
force). The importance of strategic
planning in rural economic development, particularly the adoption of a broad
range of local development plans, has been suggested by a number of authors,
(for example, Reed and Blair, 1993).
A local bank is important for local business, and for attracting new
businesses. It was also noted that
appropriate banking hours were necessary.
Other local infrastructure includes roading, sanitary sewer systems,
medical facilities, schools and recreational facilities, all of which impact on
the attraction of businesses and customers to the community. Provision of adequate infrastructure and
services also help to retain local people in the community, and, therefore,
capture the associated economic benefit.
The study found that many businesses in the communities failed when
there were no provisions for succession or transfer when the owners retired,
died or wanted to sell the business.
The main difficulty associated with business transfer was the lack of
suitable or willing buyers for the business.
Particular skill requirements noted in the study were financial
management, business planning, merchandising, inventory management, personnel
management and customer relations.
Although these needs were all articulated, few of the people surveyed in
the study had taken advantage of relevant courses offered by various training providers.
Good employees tended to gravitate towards larger towns and cities
to seek alternative, usually more attractive, employment. Prospective employers in the communities
tended to seek more information on personnel management and employee incentives.
The study noted access to long-term debt or equity for financing new
ventures or major expansions as a critical need for business. Improved skills in business plan development
and financial management were perceived to help in gaining approval for loans,
particularly from banks.
In another study, Leistritz et al (1992a) noted a steady
decline in retailing enterprises associated with smaller rural communities in
the US. The principal causes include
better transportation, improving access to nearby larger towns; changing tastes
and preferences of consumers, leading them to seek wider varieties of goods;
the need to travel to larger centres for specialised services; and small
populations, insufficient to support retail businesses. These authors estimated that a population of
500 to 999 is required to support a grocery store.
Leaman et al (1992) undertook a study of rural communities in the US
and isolated three main characteristics of successful economic development:
leadership, cooperation and commitment of key staff within local and regional
agencies. These are discussed below:
This was most effective if undertaken as a team effort involving
cooperation between the elected leader/s within and between communities. The role of leaders was to decide which
action was needed to improve the local economy and to set an agenda for action. The agenda typically covered a period of
years, rather than weeks or months.
Undertaking group discussions and consensus was the most effective style
of leadership. Cooperation was also extended to outside agencies and the goal
of the cooperative efforts was to benefit the community/ies rather than
individuals (particularly in terms of money or prestige). Taking a sociocultural perspective on
leadership, Kirk and Shutte (2004) have developed a model for leadership
capacity building that focuses on both the individual and the organisation.
This was shown to be a catalyst for an aggressive economic
development programme, often linked to a key individual in a local or regional
agency. Leistritz et al (1992b) also
showed this to be a success factor. Examples
of some of the assistance initiatives taken by such individuals included the
analysis of the strengths and weaknesses of a community to assist in the
development of an economic development strategy; playing a pivotal role in
securing local and central government funds for infrastructure development; and
working closely with a local banker to offer financing to new businesses.
Leaman et al (1992) also highlighted the following factors, which are
important in implementing a successful development programme:
Financial assistance was critical to the success of small business,
as noted by other authors. Assistance
was in the form of local and central government programmes, private financing
(including banks), and funds generated internally by the community. From the point of view of access and risk,
communities and/or businesses utilised a combination of all of these.
While financial assistance was seen as necessary for successful
business development, it was not sufficient for business success;
technical/managerial assistance was also necessary. Training, offered by a variety of state and private-sector
organisations, was the main mechanism for generating technical/managerial
support.
Some local authorities provided job training programmes, which
attracted businesses to the area. The
programmes reimbursed companies for training new employees, and required that
the company invest in the area.
Location advice and information provided by local agency officials
was helpful in attracting new businesses to the area.
These included such things as marketing and promotion programmes to
promote the community or regions and attract both customers for existing
businesses and potential new businesses to the area.
Possession of, or good access to, basic infrastructure, was
considered to be extremely important for economic development success. Infrastructure included schools, highways,
hospitals, water and sewerage systems, roads, and recreation facilities.
Similarly to Leistritz et al (1992b), Leaman et al’s
study recommended that successful rural economic development strategy should
involve a combination of new ventures in the community, retainment of existing
businesses, and recruitment of new businesses to the area. In addition, the study suggests that small,
as well as large, businesses should be developed or attracted, and that the
small businesses, if home-grown, will be more likely to stay in the community
once they become large, than recruited large businesses.
Matuszewski (1993) indicated the importance of
communicating an economic development plan to the community in question,
particularly if the community has limited experience in, and knowledge of, the
mechanisms of economic growth. The
concepts of economic development and wealth and employment creation must be
explained to the community and its major stakeholders. In addition, Matuszewski suggested that
success stories should be presented, to engender confidence in the
community.
McBeth (1992) found that environmental preservation in
rural communities was as important a concern as economic development. Strategic plans for economic development
that lacked environmental considerations were likely to lack the necessary
support needed for implementation.
Ecotourism is a fast growing and profitable industry,
which many believe supports environmental preservation. Hasek (1994) cites a
definition of ecotourism: "Ecotourism involves responsible travel to
natural areas that conserves the environment and sustains the well-being of the
local people" (p. 25). In a South
African study, Sheridan (1994) describes officials noting that ecotourism has a
vital role to play in balancing the needs of employers, local populations and
environmental preservation. However,
Jesitus (1992) documents that unchecked ecotourism can devastate animal
habitats and primitive cultures and perhaps upset entire nations. One example is the overbuilding of resorts
such as Hawaii and the US Virgin Islands.
Appropriate land-use planning is important in controlling the impact of
ecotourism.
In recognising the threat of tourism to the world's
cultural and natural heritage, UNESCO officials indicated that new ideas and
concepts need to be developed which reconcile tourism and conservation with the
need for sustainable development. The
dilemma is that too many tourists can cause damage to the environment, while
too few tourists can hurt the local economy.
Only by balancing commerce with culture and ecology can ecotourism
flourish (Jesitus, 1992). Sawhill (1993) suggests that the concept of sustainable
development offers a vision for integrating economic growth and environmental
protection into everyday life. A
successful and sustainable rural development programme will build on local
strengths, invest in local communities and local businesses, and create local
jobs.
The transfer of learning between communities and other
agents involved in economic development is crucial for sustainability of growth
and development strategies. Dyck (2002)
has reported the successful application of a Nonaka’s (1994) model of knowledge
transfer in the learning and knowledge exchange processes associated with
microfinancing programmes in rural development. Nonaka’s model of
organisational learning has been well received in the management and organisation
theory literature (Crossan and Olivera, 2001), and has been applied in a number
of empirical settings, for example, in international development (Dyck et al,
2000). Key to the application of the
model is the understanding that replication of development programmes in
different settings is an ongoing process of learning, rather than a one-time
transfer of knowledge, and involves learning by all participants. The model also helps to identify which
knowledge components are explicit (can be easily codified and transferred) and
which are tacit (difficult to codify and transfer in situations not involving
face-to-face communication). Key to the
application of Nonaka’s model to development is the multi-level analysis of
learning, recognising that “learning that occurs at an individual level spills
over to group-learning, which in turn spills over to organisational learning,
inter-organisational learning, societal learning, and vice versa.” (Dyck, 2002,
p 363).
Nonaka’s model has four phases, all applicable to
sustainable community development. The
first phase, called Socialisation, involves tacit-to-tacit knowledge transfer,
revolving particularly around trust built up among a group of people with
shared experiences. This can take a
considerable period of time, especially if the participants are not well known
to each other at the outset. The second
phase, Externalisation, involves tacit-to-explicit knowledge transfer, where
some of the tacit knowledge transferred earlier becomes articulated – often an
explicit acknowledgement of the knowledge gained. The third phase, Combination, involves explicit-to-explicit
knowledge transfer, where the new knowledge gained in the second phase is
connected to existing, relevant knowledge.
The final phase, Internalization, is characterised by explicit-to-tacit
transfer, where “the development initiative becomes institutionalised and
accepted as an everyday part of life … it has become self-sustaining.” (Dyck,
2002, p 364).
MacKensie (1992) writes about a changing world economy,
with wealth generation having shifted from agriculture to industry and now
moving to technology, the basis of which is information and knowledge. She states that individuals and small- and
medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) will continue to replace cumbersome
corporations, and business success will increasingly depend on creativity and
innovation. The focus on the knowledge
economy and dual role of knowledge and innovation are now widely recognised
(Stewart, 2001). In particular, small, rural communities will stand to benefit
from this changing economic focus, and their success will depend on how
effectively they utilise their intangible assets (e.g. knowledge, creativity,
and innovative capability) and overcome their disadvantages (Malmberg and
Maskell, 1999).
Matuszewski (1993) suggests that non-core activities,
such as services and cottage industries, may provide a basis for rural economic
development through diversification.
MacKensie (1992) also believes that industrial policy and
infrastructural issues are best handled at a local / regional level, rather
than at a national level. Networking
and collaboration between organisations in a social and industrial context is
expected to become increasingly important (e.g. Elferdink, 1992; Borich, 1994;
Robinson, 1994; Blatchford, 1994). Much
of the research literature supports the notion that successful rural (small
community) economic development will centre on the outgrowth of craft-based
industries, the utilisation of technology in these craft-based industries to
provide a competitive advantage, and service provision, largely through the
utilisation of information-related technology.
Craft production, enables flexible specialisation and the integration of
technological expertise into new products and services. Similarly, opportunities for arts-based
community development, including those built around tourism ventures, have been
identified (Phillips, 2004)
A broad, diversified base of industries is important (Reed and
Blair, 1993). Matuszweski (1993)
suggests strategies for such diversification, concluding that both local
cottage industries and the development of business services offer potential for
local economic development. Her study
documents a number of diversification strategies available to remote
communities:
Attraction of outside businesses to the area is often the first
strategy adopted, and is recommended by some researchers as an adjunct to
internal business development. However,
in practice, this is often very difficult to implement, as there is usually an
excess of communities seeking outside investment over the number of firms
seeking investment opportunities. To be
successful, the community has to offer something of unique value to the outside
business community.
While businesses based on import substitution can develop within a
community, they have shown to be limited in scope, seldom going beyond one or
two small investments. The main reasons
for this are the lack of appropriate skills in the community, the relatively
high start-up costs often involved, and the difficulty of securing necessary
supplies to an isolated area. Utilising
locally available materials and resources tends to outweigh this opportunity.
While intuitively attractive, the reality of this strategy is
fraught with constraints and difficulties.
These include the distance to markets (processing is often carried out
most economically near to the major consumer or industrial markets), the
inability to respond to just-in-time requirements of downstream players, and
the lack of local skills.
Evidence shows that service industries tend to begin with small
entrepreneurial start-ups rather than large-scale entrants. A key advantage for the small firm is that
services generally require less investment than manufacturing operations. There are feasible opportunities for some non-core
service functions of large firms based in the community to be successfully
contracted out to local entrepreneurs.
With the benefit of more efficient logistics and telecommunications
these services can relatively easily be sold to other organisations outside the
community, generating income externally and providing a net gain to the
community. The business skills gained
from these activities can, in turn, benefit further business developments.
Encouraging Local Cottage Industries
This strategy may not initially contribute greatly to a community's
economic recovery, although it is likely to assist individual households' net
income. There is the possibility that
these micro-businesses may develop into fully-fledged, job-creating
companies. Matuszewski (1993) suggests
that typical product categories from cottage industries include: clothing, food
specialities, local crafts and other consumer goods (e.g. toys, fashion
jewellery, sporting and camping equipment).
Other, small-scale, low-investment manufacturing industries, such as
metal fabrication and software development, may also develop as cottage
industries. Similarly, targeted tourism
may also provide some opportunities for small-scale businesses development in
rural communities, particularly where unique, localised activities can be
developed.
The importance of external local and regional agencies
in rural economic development has long been recognised. Recent trends have shown that, not only is
the availability of these agencies important, but also the manner and extent of
their participation in the development of communities and regions (Leaman et
al, 1992; Reed & Blair, 1993 and others).
Markley and Shaffer (1993) undertook a study of rural banks and their
communities and concluded that, in order for rural community banks to become
more active participants in their communities' economic development, they could
adopt several strategies that would provide the following: access to new
sources of capital for rural business; assistance for new business formation;
and leadership in the community.
Development and maintenance of infrastructure is
critical to economic development (Coates et al, 1992; Leistritz et al, 1992a,
1992b) and external agencies play a significant role in this. In subsistence level communities, with low
levels of employment and business development, tax contributions are generally
low, and thus unlikely to provide much support for infrastructure
development. Particularly important
infrastructure needs are roads, transportation, telecommunications, and medical
services. A number of authors recommend that rural economic development is
better addressed on a regional, rather than state (MacKensie, 1992; Scharre,
1994) or purely local (Scharre, 1994) level.
Networking is an increasingly recognised and researched
strategy for empowerment and community building around sustainable development
objectives (Pezzoli, 1997). Researchers and their institutions have an
important role to play in networking processes, acting as mediator-advocates of
the “critically needed social learning and social change necessary for
sustainable development” (Fairtlough, 1994; Gaventa, 1995; Gunderson et al,
1995). Social learning is critical
because it begins and ends with action, or purposeful activity (Friedmann,
1987). According to Freidmann (1987),
social learning involves “political strategy and tactics (which tell us how to
overcome resistance), theories of reality (which tell us what the world is
like), and values that inspire and direct the action. Taken together, these four elements constitute a form of social
practice.” (p181). For social practice
to enhance sustainable development, action is necessary in both research and
practical areas. Research needs to
become more multi-disciplinary and link better with practice. Practical actions need to involve coalitions
and networks to “link the innovative agendas of research agendas, governments,
industry and grassroots organisations that are aimed at clarifying and
implementing approaches to sustainable development (Robert, 1992)” (Pezzoli,
1997, p. 568)
Borich (1994) and others (for example, Blatchford, 1994)
suggest that the joint problems of a declining economic base and increased
urban competition has created a debilitating environment for small-community
development. The resulting decrease in
human and financial resources has made it apparent that competition for scarce
and declining resources between small communities is not productive. This realisation has resulted in increased
collaboration between different communities, and also between various public
and private players, such as state government working with local councils,
private business, regional development organisations, local communities and
others (Blatchford, 1994). Borich (1994)
has studied multi-community collaboration and concluded that, for those rural
communities with insufficient resources to mount their own development
activities, the critical mass achieved through multi-community collaboration
allows for more organised development efforts, while maintaining a high degree
of local control. A key to the success
of multi-community collaboration was that community participation came about
through voluntary association rather than external mandate (e.g. from local or
state officials).
A study by Maldonado (1993) of small urban producers in
Benin, showed that the obstacles to economic development, above subsistence
level, could be overcome by organising group-based networks to manage economic
and financial services. The effectiveness
of these stemmed from their focus on user needs and integration into the local
culture. In addition, Maldonado (1993)
found that the sustainability of the network structures depended on their
recognition by existing institutions and on the adoption of macroeconomic
measures to support small producers, raising the issue of adapting legislation
to accommodate these structures and their expected outcomes.
National centres for handcrafts, adopted by eighteen
counties in North Carolina and Asheville, in the US are described by Gregory
(1994). Called 'Handmade in America', a
plan was instigated, based on a four-part strategy: tourism, cultural
development, education, and economic development, all of which are expected to
develop from the area's arts experience.
A programme for helping rural communities prepare for
economic development, called the RURAL PARTNERS / Kellogg Program, was launched
in the US in the early 1990s (Robinson, 1994).
The focus of the programme was collaboration among all members of RURAL
PARTNERS, which comprises private and public players. The programme has a number of sponsors and funding partners,
state- and nation-wide. Many studies
have investigated ways of assisting economic development, but this programme
emphasises the critical part played by prior preparation for economic
development. The programme cast a
wide net over the economic development paradigm, and suggested that social and
community development are necessary, and generally desired by community members
involved. The programme's formula for
economic development was as follows:
HRD +
OD + CD + ED
= CA
where: HRD is
Human Resource Development; OD is Organisational Development; CD is Community
Development; ED is Economic Development; and CA is Community
Actualisation. The concept is compelling,
and although it was developed for communities that mostly had an existing
industrial base, it offers potential for application to smaller communities,
particularly those that support a collaborative approach to economic
development.
There is a substantial literature on the impact of
culture and ethnicity on entrepreneurship and economic development. Most of the findings suggest that decisions
made independently of the specific cultural context are less likely to succeed
and endure than those that do consider culture.
Cultural dimensions of a community may influence the
mechanisms and style of business development, and the motivations and attitudes
of individuals in the community. For
business development to be successful, it is necessary that individuals have
the appropriate motivation and attitude, as well as realistic expectations
(Hailey, 1987; Perry, 1993). In his
Pacific Islands study, Hailey (1987) concluded: "..the success of any attempt to encourage Pacific islanders
in business depends on the motivation and perception of the people
themselves. Island peoples cannot be
forced into business, no matter what the politicians and development planners
may like to think. They can be
encouraged and supported, but the final decision lies with the individuals
themselves. Business success depends on
individual motivation and the ability to bring resources together in profitable
combinations.” (p. 79). As Kristiansen
(2002) notes, “individual motivation is especially important in the first phase
of business start-up and risk-taking.” (p288). “Such skills and desires can be
encouraged, can evolve, but can never be imposed. The benefits of any money invested in supporting indigenous
business can be assessed only over the long term. No short-term panacea is available". (p. 79)
Like Leistritz et al (1992b), Shanklin & Ryans
(1999) suggest that economic development is a three-pronged approach, involving
industrial attraction, retaining and expanding existing industry, and fostering
business start-ups, through entrepreneurial action. The focus of development over recent years has been on
encouraging entrepreneurship, in favour of the other two approaches. This perspective is captured in the view
that “states and cities came to realize that planting acorns locally might be
better in the long run than trying to import a grown tree.” (cited in Shanklin
and Ryans (1999), p 77). As Shanklin
and Ryans (1999) note, communities have realised that depending on one or a few
industries for their economic base is not sustainable. For example, the closure of large companies
or the exit of a major industry from a community, such as dairy, forestry or
meat processing, can have major implications on the economic base of
communities, with substantial reduction of employment, and the disintegration
of a supporting economic infrastructure.
Shanklin & Ryans (1999) propose four models, or
entrepreneurial prototypes to explain how some communities are successful and
others are not. They suggest that the
models “represented the strategic component of economic development.” (p.
78). Accordingly, it is necessary for
communities to understand the underlying forces that lead to prosperity. Communities are more likely to succeed in
economic development if they pursue the right entrepreneurial model for their
particular capabilities, a notion resonating with Giddens (1979) theory of
structuration. The four models are:
·
The symbiotic entrepreneurship model,
where new small businesses set up to support major employers in the region;
·
The spin-off entrepreneurship model,
where community core competences embedded in large organisations, are spun off
by individual employees, most often in the areas of science and technology;
·
The compelled entrepreneurship model,
where the driving force is hardship resulting from redundancy, or relocation,
from a large organisation;
·
The pre-emptive entrepreneurship
model, which is the most dynamic, based on the pre-emptive diversification of
the local economy.
Shanklin &
Ryans (1999) suggest that a community should identify the model of
entrepreneurship most suited to its capabilities and circumstances, and this
should guide strategic planning. The
local characteristics most likely to affect the choice of model are: demographic,
technological knowledge, climate, transportation situation, financial
resources, and other progenitors of business start-ups and growth.
Kristiansen (2002) conducted a major study of
small-scale Tanzanian entrepreneurs, drawing on general entrepreneurship
theory. Of particular interest in this
study is the motivation of, and information use by, entrepreneurs. This study included the development of a
simple model, conceptualising a range of entrepreneurial contexts and
reflecting multiple levels involved in entrepreneurship, from individual to
national level. These are:
a.
value and needs
context: influence on individual motivation and business objectives;
b.
opportunity
context: available natural resources, information, skills, capital, labour,
infra-structure and markets;
c.
bureaucracy
context: limits the scope of entrepreneurial striving and success (e.g. lack of
trustworthiness and administrative maze).
Kristiansen presents two main theoretical bases for understanding
business contexts, based on Leibenstein (1966) and North (1993). Leibenstein (1966) introduced the term
x-efficiency, which is “the ability to find new business opportunities in a
society, or the capability to innovate in Schumpeterian terms (Schumpeter,
1934)” (cited in Kristiansen, 2002, p. 285). Leibenstein suggests that
x-inefficiency is a serious cause of lost profits in firms and lost welfare in
society, and attributes much of this x-inefficiency to ''differential and
inadequate motivation and information use.” (Kristiansen, 2002, p 285).
Motivation is strongly linked to x-efficiency, since this will decrease
unless there is pressure to innovate and work harder. This depends on entrepreneurs finding gaps- business
opportunities that are based on innovations in technology, organization, or
market arrangements (Leibenstein, 1968); cited in Kristiansen, 2002). This reflects the supply of, and demand for,
entrepreneurial services. Supply is
influenced by 'motivational factors', or what Leibenstein calls the ‘interfirm
motivational state’, while demand is determined by the
size and structure of the gap-filling opportunity (Kristiansen, 2002, p286).
North (1993)
emphasises the role of institutions in institutional change, evidenced in the
‘new institutional economics approach’ (Kristiansen, 2002). North’s ‘adaptive efficiency’ refers to the
development of organisations by
entrepreneurs within the context of formal rules and informal guidelines of
institutions. This is a path-dependent
process, where formal institutional rules and constraints vary with different
contextual settings.
Business
contexts will be perceived differently at different stages of the
entrepreneurial process (Kristiansen, 2002).
Similar contextual perspectives at various stages within communities’
economic developments processes have been identified in a study of sustainable
Maori development (Lindsay, 1997). In
this model, the role of community culture and tradition in the process of
sustainable economic development was paramount, as noted in other studies of Maori
economic development (Haworth et al, 1997; NZIER, 2003).
Herbig and McCarty (1993) found that only when both
structural elements (political, economic and legal boundaries of the society)
and culture are favourably inclined can innovation thrive, and, by extension,
economic development occurs.
Similarly, Billig (1994) concluded, in a study of the Philippines, that
entrepreneurial values are not fixed features of culture, but tend to wax and
wane with political, economic and social conditions in complex ways. He suggests that it is inappropriate to
judge entrepreneurial behaviour as fixed features of culture, and that the
structural conditions, outlined above, also influence entrepreneurship. An
African study by Takyi-Asiedu (1993) showed that government programmes designed
to foster entrepreneurship tended to negate the impact of culture on
entrepreneurial behaviour. The author
identified three social and cultural issues, which retarded entrepreneurial
activities: power distance; collectivism; and Confucian dynamism.
In Hailey’s (1987) study of entrepreneurs and indigenous
business in the Pacific islands, business opportunities were identified which
capitalised on the specific cultural characteristics of the Pacific
societies. This included the supply of
products and services appropriate to the needs of their own indigenous
population; expanding tourism and service sectors, which enabled them to gain a
business advantage, "because they have valuable contacts, understand local
customs, and are in a special position to promote and market goods and services
that are unique to the Pacific, and attract people from all over the
world". (p. 62). They can also "use their local knowledge and
contacts to support and facilitate overseas investment or go into joint venture
partnerships". (p. 62)
On the issue of culture, Hailey (1987) concluded:
"Successful entrepreneurs have also learned how to balance business
commitments with traditional demands. ... a prerequisite for success is their
continued respect for the obligations and communal commitments inherent in the
local culture. At times conflict may
occur between traditional values and business efficacy, but the test of any
entrepreneur is his ability to resolve these conflicts. Successful entrepreneurs have learned to
accommodate traditional values with contemporary business practice". (p.
63-64). Thus, it is not a question of
the culture adapting to an environment of contemporary business practice, but
of the two co-existing.
Hailey (1987) also articulated the seemingly conflicting
situation of reconciling business with cultural values, stating that: "For
many Pacific islanders, 'business' remains an alien concept. The business ethics of the cash market
economy, measurable economic returns, individual acquisitiveness, and the
'profit motive' work against the traditional communal cultures of the
Pacific. Any attempt to encourage
business threatens traditional values and thus a way of life". (p. 79).
Underpinning this difficulty is a number of key constraints imposed by cultural
factors. These include:
a) the
traditionally hierarchical character of many Pacific societies that demands
conformity, resulting, in many researchers' views, to a stifling of initiative
and entrepreneurial behaviour;
b) pressure from
family and neighbours on productive individuals to distribute their surplus
produce or profits, resulting in reduced incentive to invest or work long
hours;
c) remittance
payments from families living and working in other countries, providing a ready
income source and stifling local enterprise.
Evidence shows that remittances are seldom spent on investment for
business, but rather on unproductive ceremonial purposes or luxury items
(Croulet and Sio, 1986);
d) historical
domination of the business sector by overseas entrepreneurs may have caused an
acceptance that entrepreneurship belongs to foreigners, again, stifling the
motivation and incentive of indigenous people to develop local businesses;
e) because of
ownership conditions of land, it is often difficult for entrepreneurs to obtain
land for business development. Most
land is leased and leases either have restrictive conditions or are granted
only for a limited term. Coupled with
limited availability of land, this situation inhibits long-term investment in
business development;
f) a perceived
idyllic subsistence lifestyle, which, traditionally, has inhibited the
motivation for entrepreneurship;
g) specific
constraints imposed on isolated rural communities, such as infrequent
transportation, lack of infrastructure and essential services.
Hailey concludes by stating: "...the long-term survival of indigenous businesses ...
depends on the ability of [Pacific] entrepreneurs to resolve the inherent
contradiction that exists between contemporary business practice and the
communal commitments that are integral to [Pacific] cultures and the island way
of life". (p. 86)
The potential for Maori economic development from
innovation has been documented (Lindsay, 1996; Haworth et al, 1997; NZIER,
2003). These studies have explored some
of the important antecedents of innovation and the NZ Institute of Economic
Research has developed an instrument for determining the level of innovation
and innovation potential among Maori (NZIER, 2003).
Finally, the development of an entrepreneurial attitude
must be encouraged. This, Matuszewski
(1994) concedes, is the hardest part, especially if the community does not have
an entrepreneurial spirit, or orientation.
She maintains, however, that entrepreneurship can be accomplished
through such methods as: public recognition of local entrepreneurs, promoting
success stories, and having major industries encourage start-ups through
initial contracts, prompt payments and managerial assistance. Support from major industry/ies, which may
provide initial contracts, is very important in the early stages of community
economic development, and a ‘buy locally’ policy is recommended for these
industries. MacKensie (1992) notes
that, while the individual characteristics and attitudes of an entrepreneur are
important, successful entrepreneurship is most often not an isolated
occurrence, but happens within the social context of a community, and a
supportive environment.
The process of sustainable economic
development has been studied for a number of decades in a range of settings,
from poverty-based communities in third world countries, to wealthy rural
communities in economically successful nations. Some common themes pervade the process and these increasingly
focus on the importance of entrepreneurship, motivation, and community support
for entrepreneurial development.
Networks within and outside communities are important in the
establishment and activities of entrepreneurs, facilitating access to
information and knowledge transfer.
The literature suggests, however,
that the sustainable economic development processes for indigenous people
incorporate cultural and traditional elements that are often not present, or
not explicit, in many ‘Western’ models of sustainable economic
development. It is argued that social,
political, environmental, and human resource development policies and
programmes must recognise and incorporate the unique cultural and traditional
aspects of communities, and the importance of these in sustainable economic
development.
Many communities now grapple with
the tensions that exist between development, which, by its nature, involves
change, and the preservation of tradition, heritage or culture. However, it is also increasingly recognised
that the apparent contradictions can unleash resources that can contribute
positively to both development and heritage preservation (Li, 2003). For example, the utilisation of culture and
traditional practices for tourism can rejuvenate a community’s interest in its
own heritage, and engage its young people in learning and dialogue. Similarly, in some communities, there are
incongruities between individuals’ commercial independence and conformity with
their community’s values and expectations.
In some cultures, crossing between these spheres is socially acceptable,
for example, in Zanzibar (Kristiansen, 2002).
He suggests that “successful entrepreneurs who operate between
traditional and modern economic rationality, according to Geertz (1984) “…draw
much of their strength from this ability to operate on both sides of the line
between traditional and modern in economic matters and so form a bridge between
the two.” (p153)”. (p289).
Sustainable development for
indigenous communities encompasses a range of factors, and reflects a largely
holistic approach. Interrelationships
involve predominantly environmental, social, political and economic
factors. Many indigenous communities
place a high emphasis on social factors in the sustainable economic development
process. Cultural considerations and
traditional values, important to indigenous communities also play an important,
sometimes critical, role in sustainable economic development.
Human resource development has the
capacity to harness tradition and culture in ways that strengthen the economic
and social resources in their communities.
Traditions and cultures of indigenous people can bridge the old
(traditional) and the new (modern, Western) perspectives of sustainable
development. For instance, as Giddens (1999)
suggests, tradition inevitably is interpreted in the light of current contexts
and perceptions of the future. In other
words, modern-day individuals necessarily interpret tradition and culture in
the context of their own life experiences and expectations. The challenge for
Maori and other indigenous peoples aspiring to sustainable economic development
is for their traditions and cultures to retain meaning and place, while also
reflecting contemporary world-views.
Evidence suggests that these apparently opposing forces for stability
and change can co-exist and reinforce communities’ opportunities for sustainable economic development.
Supportive institutional and policy
structures that address the holistic needs of communities, particularly across social,
cultural, economic, and environmental dimensions, are necessary, both at
national and local levels (NZIER, 2003).
It is also important for indigenous economic development to be measured
in an absolute, rather than relative (to the overall national economy) way, in
order for the influence of policies and strategies to be properly assessed and
for success to be observed over time.
The following example illustrates this perspective in relation to Maori
economic development. While
specifically measuring economic growth and not taking into account other
indicators of sustainable Maori development, a report of the NZ Institute of
Economic Research (NZIER, 2003) concluded:
“Maori are frequently presented as a drag on the New Zealand
economy. Our review of the state of the
Maori economy paints a very different picture.
While still small, the emerging Maori economy is robust. It has enjoyed strong growth in the 1990s,
and is poised for continued expansion.” (p. 33). Despite these positive trends, NZIER (2003) also note the need
for involvement of government in promoting Maori economic development,
particularly through “investing in institutional frameworks that would help
Maori improve governance arrangements” (p.106).
A review of the literature highlights
a number of research gaps in the area of indigenous sustainable economic
development, particularly at the level of community and business
development. For example, there is
little empirical research that identifies models of business development in indigenous
communities, or that provides measurement of business performance in these
contexts. At a more conceptual level,
aspects such as attitudes to business development, motivation and leadership
are all important facets of the business development process that warrant
further research.
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