The University of Auckland

Auckland, New Zealand

Sustainable economic development for the 21" century is a concern of most nations. Within a national context, sustainable economic development is a challenge for individual communities, at the micro-level and regional level. Research on indigenous Maori communities in rural New Zealand has shown that underlying Maori traditions and values fundamentally affect the perspectives of, and approaches to, sustainable economic development. A process for understanding traditional values within a model for sustainable economic development has been developed with these communities. An integral part of the model is the development of human resources within a context that captures and protects the unique elements of community traditional values. This research has application to other countries in APEC that have indigenous or tribal groups, or ethnic or religious minorities, and to the Pacific Island countries.

Dame Miraka Szaszy (1993), an outstanding Maori woman leader, reminds us of a tribal leader of Te Aupduri, Meri Ngaroto, who generations ago in the midst of a crisis composed a poem for her people about the centrality of te tangata (the human person), te whdnau (kinship-fainily ties) and metaphysics in the universal scheme of things. Meri said to her people:

Unuhia i te rito o te harakeke! Look to the heart of life!

Kei hea koa te komako e ko? A Bell bird flying aimlessly

Whakatairangitia Here and there,

Rere ki uta, rere ki tai,

Mau e ui mai ki au: Calls out to me

He aha te mea p ai? What is the most important good?

Maku e ki ata And 1 respond,

He Tangata, he tangata, he tangata! Humanity! Humanity! Humanity!

(Ihaka n.d.; C.f. Parker 1978:191;)

The rito (Williams 1975:343), being the centre shoot or heart of the harakeke (flax Cordyline) must be cared for to ensure new life and new shoot s. It symbolises the need of each person to be nurtured in a whanau-hapu environment (Henare, E 1994). According to Maori, te whanau-hapu is the heart of life for a person. It is the ground in which kinship and social relationship obligations and duties are learned, and enabled to flourish and flower.

The beautiful Komako (Bellbird) with its magnificent singing voice is a symbol of the visible world (Thomas 1994) and its utilitarian pursuits and achievements. Despite its own inherent beauty, the Komako realises the aimlessness of the pursuit of worldly happiness and pleasure, and cries out for the deeper knowledge of the interior world. Meri Ngaroto reminds us that the greatest good in this world is "te tangata" - the person and their humanity.

In our global village there have been similar appeals for a return to "te rito o te harakeke" and the roots of sound religious and metaphysical principles. Religious leaders, (Pope John Paul II 1994:34-35) recently have made a plea for a return to metaphysics (the philosophy of being) through an integral anthropology. Like Szaszy, they too argue in favour of a return to older approaches that recognises people as ethical beings, "capable of acting according to criteria of good and evil, and not only those of profit and pleasure." Following Miraka Szaszy, Meri Ngaroto and others, we suggest that Aotearoa New Zealand itself needs a new humanism.

New Zealand's present secular humanism is a system that puts human interests and the mind of humankind as paramount, however it denies or ignores metaphysical and religious dimensions to human existence. It came as an idea with the establishment of the NZ Crown and the philosophy of Anglo-Saxon utilitarianism (Cf. John Paul II 1994:201). Later as the institutions of the Crown and government began to function, a reliance on legal and historical positivist approaches to social, economic and political development developed. It is this particular brand of positivism that today continues to be problematical for Maori.

From the earlier 1980s we have experienced the resurgence of utilitarianism. This new order emphasises a rules based approach to the organisation of the social order and leaves little space for Maori metaphysical and ethical responses to social, political and economic planning (See Employment Contracts Act 1991). Sustainable development is part of a wider economistic approach that argues that the market place best determines how people and other resources in society ought to be utilised and organised. These and the idea that self-interest is a primary factor in motivating individuals has the effect of reducing the person, the family and other social groups as mere instruments of the economy. These approaches cannot address adequately the crisis in values and ethics because of the denial of a place for metaphysics and ethics in the organising of our country.

One consequence of this narrowly focussed philosophy has been the inability of the Crown and the State to address Maori concerns or to negotiate with Maori the social, economic and political agenda. Historically speaking the Crown has abused its "kawanatanga" (governance) mandate by deliberately contradicting the vision, the principles and ethics inherent in te taonga tapu (the sacred gift) and te kawenata hou (the covenant) that is Te Tiriti o Waitangi/Treaty of Waitangi (Henare & Douglas 1988). Instead of Maori and settler communities living together in mutual respect and harmony where each developed according to their own cultural heritage, Maori families suffered constitutional, legal and ethical abuse (Blank et al 1985).

The Crown and its governments used the institutions of the State to effect the assimilation of the indigenous people to its own human culture. It systematically set out to destroy "te rito of te harakeke" - the kinship and social organisation systems of Maori culture. The urbanised Maori family life of today is a result of this historical programme (See Ministerial Planning Group Report, Ka Awatea, 1991). An acknowledgement is made that Maori were not the only non-European peoples hurt. The assimilation programme also scarred other Pacific and Asian families.

Maori humanism and the combination of Pakeha secular humanism utilitarianism and positivism continue to be at odds. Maori do not deny the existence of a supernatural reality, and continue applying metaphysical criteria as part of judgement and decision making processes. Neither do Maori look to empirical science, and legal positivism as the sole ultimate arbiters of the truth, rights and obligations. The kinship system and social organisations existed before the establishment of the Pakeha Crown and the State. The former is taonga tuku iho, inheritances from the ancestors and ultimately from Io, the Supreme Being (C.L Makareti 1986:33-59; Winiata 1967:25-31; Kawharu 1975:80-81).

Maori humanism offers the following fundamental principles of life and being. They are applied to individuals and to groups, i.e. te tangata and te whanau/hapu.

From within the framework of this world view we want to discuss how we might develop a Treaty of Waitangi based society and in so doing address broader social, economic and political agenda that create the enviromnent conducive to maintaining and enhancing the quality of life of Maori, Pakeha and Tauiwi, the latter being the Maori term for more recent settlers from the Pacific Islands and Asia.

The relationship between economic and social policy must be explicit (Henare, in Portemomics and Maori Development). This is important because underpinning the phrases, "market place" and "comparative to competitive advantage" are a set of social and functional values and assumptions that may or may not be a continued threat to tikanga Maori (customs and values).

The market force proponents ask Maori, their hapu and iwi, that we be more competitive and focussed. This is somewhat naive when it is consider that most of the means of production - land, capital and the possession of know how - have been stripped from or withheld from Maori. Maori labour, the only means of production potentially still in Maori control, has been manipulated in such a way that it has been used during the last 150 years to enhance the value of capital and land gained by Pakeha.

Historically, and with the progressive diminution of property rights and obligations, the education and skills training systems have not prepared Maori for ownership and management practice. Rather, Maori were educated and trained to serve someone else's interest (Barrington & Beaglehole 1974).

The setting out of some ethics and principles of economic development might therefore be helpful in a discussion of competitive advantage. One lesson from international development experience is the insight that development practice and theory have a connection with the commitment to social change. Without the social change factor, Maori development is constrained because the status quo is maintained whereby Pakeha continue to have both comparative and competitive advantage. In this scenario, remain labourers and servants, albeit well educated and sophisticated. Social change leading to a transformation of the status quo and recognisable modification of the comparative advantage of Pakeha are necessary prerequisites for any possibility of competitive advantage (Mahuta n.d.).

The work of the French philosopher and mathematician, Louise-Joseph Lebret (Goulet 1974; See Lebret 1961), on the economy and humanism offers some philosophical criteria, which when applied to Aotearoa New Zealand provides a global ethical test to the direction of new economic development. Successful overseas development projects have the following overriding, thrust; a concern for social justice and for the need to create conditions fostering human dignity, the emphasis on a world community, the solidarity of all human beings riding space-ship earth, the need for cooperation among all dwellers in the global village, and a consensus model of development. The idea of space-ship earth and all living on board together is a similar to the ship metaphor described earlier for 1840s Aotearoa New Zealand. A universalist cultural approach is helpful because it can act as a forceful corrective to ethnocentrism and narrow parochialism.

The following diagnosis and prescription (Goulet 1974:35) assists our understanding of the Aotearoa New Zealand development dilemma:

• Development is a continuing task of forging new values while at the same time maintaining traditional values in a setting where most institutions contradict these human values and aspirations.

• The only valid path is to seek optimum growth both in terms of nga tikanga (values) me nga ritenga (practices), and in terms of resource constraints and limitations.

• Planning is futile unless it stems from a permanent association between decision-makers and communities at the flaxroots.

• Equity in the distribution of wealth and the achievement of dignity for all are priority targets of development efforts.

• Conflicts of interest between Pakeha and Maori can only be solved by eliminating the privilege systems of Pakeha to allow Maori to close the social and economic gap.

Lebret's study and practice of development offers some themes relevant to this discussion (Goulet 1974:35). Maori under-development is not mainly an economic problem; neither is it simply the inability of social structures to meet the demands of a formerly passive society. Maori underdevelopment, as with all underdevelopment, is a symptom of the continuing world crisis in human values. This is particularly so for the Anglo-Saxon/-Anglo-Celtic world.

New Zealand's development task is to create a new civilisation in this State - a country of apparently chronic inequality and disequilibrium. This new Aotearoa-New Zealand civilisation will be Treaty of Waitangi and Declaration of Independence based, and will require new sets of relationships and new patterns of solidarity. Economic development therefore is concomitantly about cultural and spiritual development. It is a mistake to consider Maori development simply as modernisation or an effort to overcome an economic or technical lag.

The aim of Maori and Pakeha development is to achieve a more human New Zealand economy.

According to Lebret the discipline of development is really a study of how to achieve a more human economy. The French expressions, "plus avoir" (to have more), and "plus etre" (to be more), underscore an essential difference in the purpose of economic development (Goulet 1974:43). This qualitative difference in aspiration also exemplifies a critical difference between Maori and Pakeha economic and social aims and purposes.

Maori aim to be more, that is, Maori aim to be more Maori. "Kia mau ki tb koutou Maoritanga - Hold fast to your Maoritanga" was the exhortation of Sir Timi Kara earlier this century. After the horrors of World War I Maori were urged to firmly grasp the finest attributes of the culture - industriousness, helpfulness, consideration for others, loyalty, cheerfulness and so on. Kara's exhortation, made in another time of moral and ethical crisis, aimed to boost people's morale, confidence and hope (Parker 1978:191). As we near the end of the century, Miraka Szaszy's challenge is for a clarification of Maori ethics on sustainability, hope, love and service. It implies that the one criterion of value "is not production or possessions but the totality of qualitative human enrichment" (Goulet 1974:4' )).

With Lebret (economy and humanism) in mind (Goulet 1974:44-45; Henare n.d.), the following attributes or criteria might be seen as essential to a concept of Maori development.

• It must serve the basic human needs in a equitable order based on urgency and importance, it must build a human economy.

• All major problem sectors must be attacked in coordinated fashion. Coherence in policy is a critical factor. There can be no sacrifice of one segment of the population to another. This does not rule out a strategy of planned correction of imbalances.

• Innovation must be homogeneous and must respect Maori and Pdkehd peoples' past history, i.e. their patrimony and matrimony, and their present capacities. There must be no rupture with a people's cultural heritage.

• Finally, unless development leads a society to' the capacity to direct itself autonomously (C.f. Durie 1994), it is invalid. This demands a struggle against dependency, assimilation, passivity and inertia. Mana motuhake and the exercise of tino rangatiratanga will give Maori society the autonomy expected and contradict dependency, assimilation passivity and inertia

Sustainable development has many definitions and meanings, contingent, for example, on the perspective of individuals in the context of their social frameworks, contemporary or traditional views, and culture and ethnicity. In Western society, there is an increasing recognition that sustainable development is more concerned with holistic approaches, rather than ally one aspect alone (e.g. Olsen, 1997). Thus, while environmental sustainability remains a key component of sustainable development, social, cultural and political elements are also important (Duchin, 1996). Barkin (1998) notes that, as part of an alternative strategy to sustainable development, many rural people in third world countries are developing defences against globalisation by building new organisations or strengthening traditional social structures. One of the challenges for governments in the twenty first century is to develop and implement sustainable development policies that reflect its complexity and satisfy the needs of all stakeholders.

Indigenous views of sustainable development appear to have broad similarities across different groups. Many of these groups have practised sustainable development for centuries, and the concept of sustainability is a deeply rooted part of their tradition. Indigenous communities are often characterised by a strong tradition, which shapes their present day social structures and values. Social structures, in turn, are usually strong and complex, supporting consensual-style decision-making. Institutions play a key role in the social structures of indigenous communities, in terms of supporting and articulating the traditions and values of the communities concerned, and in influencing sustainable development options. They have an overall governance role determined largely by tradition. These institutions may represent the communities at a range of levels, such as tribal, or intertribal. In Maori communities, these structures would typically represent Hapu, iwi and pan-iwi organisations. It is recognised that commnunity institutions are represented by a diversity of social actors, many of whom are involved in different parts of the community (Leach et al, 1997). Thus, relationships between institutions and between them and other actors in the communities are seldom simple; Thembela (1997) refers to the structure of social and political institutions as local constellations. Because of these complexities, the widely held notion that communities act as consensual units, able to act collectively, has been challenged (Leach et al, 1997).

From the perspective of Maori, traditional values help to shape contemporary views of sustainable development. A long-term perspective is a fundamental part of this, with adult Maori concerned about sustainable development providing a future for their grandchildren (mokupuna), in the same way that their own lives have been shaped by their predecessors and ancestors (tupuna). Empirical research with rural Maori communities, typically poor in economic terms, has identified the following components of sustainable development that are consistent with contemporary perspectives of their tradition, values and culture: preservation of natural and cultural resources, while not excluding their utilisation in economic advancement; tangible social benefits for all members of the community, particularly in areas of employment, education, housing and health; and community control of economic growth, with limits defined by the extent of trade-offs needed to achieve sustainability (in other words, not 'wealth for the sake of wealth') (Lindsay, 1996).

While the key elements of sustainable development (social, economic, ecological, and political) present challenges for indigenous communities, they are also recognised as linked and interdependent. Sustainable economic development thus encompasses the other key elements, even though the sustainability issues are usually addressed in terms of economic outcomes. It is interesting to note that indigenous communities have recognised the holistic nature of sustainable economic development for many generations, while only in very recent years has this realisation become evident in contemporary Western cultures (e.g. Handy, 1996; Giddons, 1999; Moore, 1996). This realisation has come about with a growing disenchantment of the economic-centred policies of many countries, and the consequent social and ecological problems that have arisen.

It is not surprising, therefore, that indigenous people may perceive business in ways that are different to those represented by the dominant paradigm of Western cultures.

The distinctions are not, however, universally held. In the same way that the capitalist paradigm is challenged by many Western communities, Maori people have views of business that occupy different positions along the continuum between economics-driven, capitalist, models and holistic perspectives. Our research has shown that Maori people who are more inclined to the holistic perspective are those who respond strongly to the influence of their traditional values (Haworth et al, 1997). In some situations, there is explicit rejection of the capitalist model. Others, however, try to separate the role of economics from that of traditional values and culture, in cognisance of the need for Maori business to integrate with the dominant global economic system. Social and cultural implications of these differences in viewpoints are significant, both as influences on, and consequences of, business development. The fundamental challenge facing Maori and many other indigenous communities, is the development of an economic framework that meets both economic and socio-cultural needs. That is, a framework that enables businesses to develop, return profits and remain sustainable within the wider national and global economies, at the same time respecting and preserving the traditional values and culture, and social wellbeing of Maori.

Results from empirical studies of Maori business suggest that there are similarities and differences in relation to contemporary Western businesses (Haworth et al, 1997). In this context, business development may be viewed from three main perspectives; motivations for business development, business principles and practice, and desired business outcomes. Perceptions of Maori business owner/managers from case studies indicate that motivations for business and desired outcomes from their businesses are different to those represented in contemporary Western business models, while the principles and practice of business are very similar. More specifically, individual Maori manager motivations for business tend to be influenced more by the social needs of their communities than purely personal economic objectives. Business development is seen to provide opportunities for employment and training of community people, especially the unemployed and unskilled younger generation. On the other hand, Maori business managers recognise that business principles and practices must largely conform to those of contemporary business, if they are to succeed. Business success is necessary to support the motivations noted above, and to achieve the desired outcomes. The desired business outcomes suggested by Maori managers indicated some differences to capitalist-style business expectations. For example, the latter tend to be focused on short-term profit and other financial outcomes, with maximisation for shareholders being a key element. Desired outcomes of Maori business, however, link closely with the motivations, in regarding profit as important for business maintenance and growth, but also regarding the community as an important long-term stakeholder. It is evident, therefore, that tradition and culture play a role in shaping present-day Maori business perspectives and practice, at the same time, enabling a blending with those of contemporary Western-style business. Implications of these proposed similarities and differences need to be considered further in the context of sustainable development issues of indigenous communities.

On the premise that sustainable economic development can be achieved at a community level, a number of models have been developed (e.g. Robinson). Whether or not communities and their members take a collective, rather than individualistic approach to sustainable economic development, the community has a stakeholder role in some form or another. For example, it will determine social, cultural and political frameworks in which local businesses must operate, it will provide labour and other resources, and it may provide a significant local market. For these reasons, it is helpful to develop models of sustainable economic development that incorporate these, and other, community aspects. This provides an understanding of the interactions between elements of the community and business development, and the role that community members may play in this interface. The recent corporate emphasis on the benefits of human capital in business competitiveness is highly consistent with the value attributed to people by most indigenous communities, and notable in Maori communities. Rural Maori communities have a rich, untapped human resource coincident with an existing physical primary resource base, which is often unsophisticated and declining in economic value. This is partly because of market conditions, and partly because the lack of knowledge and specialised skills has limited the extent to which the value of the resources has been leverage. Whether or not sustainable economic development for these areas derives from this resource base, or the introduction of new knowledge-based resources, or a combination of both, the implications for human resource development in Maori communities are considerable. The unique challenge for indigenous communities in these endeavours is to respect, retain, preserve and, if possible, rejuvenate their traditions, culture and values in ways that are compatible with development goals. Thus, HRD must enable these aspects to endure at an individual and community-level, as well as provide new skills and knowledge to support sustainable economic development. The following section discusses briefly a model of indigenous sustainable economic development resulting from empirical research in rural Maori communities (Lindsay, 1997). This is followed by a discussion of the HRD implications identified in the model.

A MODEL FOR INDIGENOUS SUSTAINABLE ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT

A synthesis of research findings from the literature relating to economic development of small, isolated, rural communities, and the research findings from three Maori communities in the north of New Zealand, led to the development of a model of indigenous sustainable economic development (Lindsay, 1997) (Figure 1). The following discussion briefly explains the components of the model and their interrelationships.

The model describes four stages that must be taken by a community to achieve sustainable economic development. They are sequential and lead to business growth. The first two stages are preconditions necessary for business start-up. The last two stages focus on the start-up of businesses and their successful evolution and development. Without the satisfactory completion of the first two stages, businesses will likely fail at start-up, or will not be viable beyond the short-term. The four stages are considered in detail below.

The first stage towards successful business development involves understanding, accommodating or adjusting those cultural and traditional aspects of the communities that may mobilise, or inhibit, other factors influencing business success. Traditions, values and cultural factors will influence the communities' perceptions of, and willingness to accommodate, business development. Issues common to indigenous communities include land ownership, decision-making structures and the role of young people, and community vs individual values. For community-level development to be achieved, it is essential that issues and differences in views relating to business development be reconciled within the communities. Most commonly when difficulties arise, they stem from differences between community members on their interpretations of traditional values and culture, particularly as they relate to business development. In addition, institutional frameworks and governance structures may encourage or inhibit economic development, according to their roles and styles of administration. Regardless of the communities' positions with respect the influences of culture and tradition, and their adopted business forms, their businesses will depend for economic returns on other cultures outside their communities. Thus, the forms and styles of business will need to integrate with the cultures that form their major markets, and be compatible with these market expectations. Cultural considerations underpin the attitudes and motivation towards business development, and also help to determine the creation or expression of entrepreneurial characteristics. Appropriate development of these three elements is crucial for the next stage in the economic development process.

It is generally accepted that small, isolated, rural communities cannot successfully achieve economic development alone and that collaborative efforts are crucially important. The extent to which collaboration and co-operation are embraced will depend on a number of factors. One factor is the extent to which outside involvement is welcomed, and the associated attitudes embedded in the culture of the community. Other factors include knowledge of potentially collaborating organisations/individuals; the extent of existing personal contact with these; their availability and location; and the expected gains to both parties (such as skills acquisition, extent and type of business support available).

The model recognises the crucial importance of collaboration and co-operation in community business development, and indicates that, after consideration and resolution of cultural issues, collaboration and co-operation are necessary preconditions for business development. In particular, the importance of external links is emphasised, as one way to lower barriers to development.

The conditions and skills achieved in the first two stages of the model are fundamental to any start-up business, and to the achievement of successful outcomes of existing businesses. Stages 1 and 2 are particularly important for indigenous communities that have strong cultural and traditional foundations. Once the conditions and skills identified in the model have been successfully acquired, it is expected that business start-ups, or acquisition of existing businesses are possible.

There may be some industry focus in Stage 3, but most likely, the businesses be variable, ranging from small cottage, craft-based, businesses, to ' large enterprises, representative of specific industries. For such businesses to grow and develop, further support and skill enhancement are necessary. The acquisition and impact of these are likely to occur over a long period of time, but their benefits will be complemented by experience developed at the individual and community level. A process of natural and deliberate selection of the businesses and industries that are likely to prevail over the long-term and provide sustainable economic development will take place over time. The selection will be influenced by macro-economic and market forces as well as the capabilities of the communities concerned.

In Stage 4, businesses and industries selected for growth from the previous stage, are resourced for on-going growth and development. It is possible that some of these businesses will be, or will become, large-scale, and will represent a small number of major industries. Possible future outcomes of this type of business development include: regional expansion, providing growth for the region, as well as the communities concerned; linkage with other businesses in the industry, or related industries, via networks or alliances; and opportunities to operate in overseas markets.

In addition to the growth and development of selected large enterprises, it is likely that cottage, craft-based, and other small business will continue to operate, and possibly grow. However, these are less likely to contribute significantly to the economic growth of the communities. The important role of cottage and craft-based industries is in providing employment and individual incomes, which would, at least, provide self-sufficiency. These small businesses may also act as incubators of business skills and experience which may be subsequently utilised in larger businesses and other industries.

For each of the four development stages outlined above, certain types of external support are helpful, or necessary. The most obvious of these are shown in Figure 1. For example, support for cultural aspects of economic development include training and social policy appraisal (for example, policy on the criteria and utilisation of welfare benefits, and employment and training programmes). Most of the external support requirements shown for Stage 2 relate to skill acquisition and infrastructure development. The network linkages shown in the model identify the main providers of the support requirements identified.

These represent linkages between communities and individuals or organisations that may play a role in facilitating the four development stages and/or providing the support factors. The links may be formal or informal, although informal links, based on shared goals and mutual commitment and gain may be more fruitful and more enduring. Communities need strong internal links in order to generate commitment towards common goals. Formal or informal external linkages with local authorities (or individuals within them), development agencies, churches, and other communities may all be helpful in facilitating the first stage of the model.

Existing businesses (inside or outside the communities) may assist in skill development, by providing opportunities for training, or co-development of products or markets. Network linkages with, for example, tourism operators, may assist cottage, craft-based businesses to grow, and gain market experience. Network linkages are becoming increasingly important in business growth and development, and will certainly have a key role to play in small communities, which have high dependence on external providers and consumers.

In presenting indigenous sustainable development as a staged process, it is possible to consider the implications for HRD in the context of each stage. Each stage is discussed below in relation to HRD implications

Stage 1. The cultural aspects of HRD are most significant at this stage of the model of sustainable economic development. In many indigenous societies, there is an explicit revival of culture and tradition, partly in recognition that these will provide moderators of, or alternatives to, modernisation and globalisation. For example, in New Zealand, resources are being channelled into Maori language culture and training, evidenced in the creation and expansion of kohanga reo 'language nests' and whanaungatanga training programmes, designed to reacquaint Maori with their kinship traditions, values and culture. Our research in Maori communities has revealed that Maori perceive sustainable development to be an opportunity for the enhancement of knowledge in Maori language and culture, particularly for their young people. For example, Maori see this being facilitated by cultural tourism, which would engage their young people in traditions and cultural activities, at the swne time, achieving economic gain. Human resource development, in terms of training in tradition and culture, is an important aspect of Maori involvement in sustainable development. This provides potential for the combination of economic gains and benefits for communities in the retention, and possible enhancement of, their traditions and culture.

Human resource development is also important in Stage 1 of the model in terms of enabling members of the community to form a consensus understanding of the role of business in the achievement of sustainable economic development goals. It also provides a mechanism for debating the range of views of business in regard to its fit within, or interaction with, the community. Communities need their members to be fully informed and involved with their tradition and culture, in order to understand contemporary issues relating to business and sustainable development in the context of their own lives. This view has been indicated on many occasions by older Maori who have such knowledge and who believe strongly that young people have insufficient understanding of their past and its impact on their future. The older people believe that such knowledge is a considerable strength for members of their community in present day life. The process by which knowledge development of this kind may be achieved is unlikely to draw on conventional Westrn-style approaches. This suggests that culture and traditional perspectives of sustainable development demand unique perspective of human resource development. One of the challenges is for HRD policies to meet these needs at local, national and internationally regional levels. HRD policy may further the integration of traditional and contemporary perspectives of sustainable development, particularly in the cases of indigenous cultures.

Mechanisms within communities that might best deliver HRD processes and programmes could be formulated by members of the communities themselves. In Maori communities, these might include such methods as utilising the knowledge of elders (kaumatua), reading, listening and observing examples of Maori history that relate specifically to their peoples' own tribal affiliations, whakapapa training (tracing and understanding their genealogy, and all the associated implications), and attending programmes on cultural exploration, such as whanaungatanga dynamics that are becoming increasingly utilised in Maori society.

Step 2. Relevant linkages at Stage 2 might involve external markets, suppliers, providers of various kinds, and institutions that may be involved in some way with business development, such as banks, funding agencies, or training institutions, Relationship building and network development are key elements in the process of sustainable business development. This is an area that is, paradoxically, both familiar and unfamiliar to Maori, and probably other indigenous groups. Maori have always had a high community focus and the words, collective, consensual, community-based, are frequently used in discussion about Maori, and other, indigenous groups. The effectiveness of these types of social structures towards decision-making and implementation has, however been challenged (Leach e al, 1997). The philosophy associated with collective structures encourages widespread communication within a community, and a high importance is placed on relationship building. For this reason, Maori communities have very strong relationship skills within their communities. This philosophy is rooted in Maori tradition and the importance that is attached to belonging to, and identifying with, one's own tribe, and, more narrowly, one's own whanau (family). When applied beyond the boundaries of the communities with which they involved, however, the skills and relationships become progressively weaker. Consequently, network and relationship development outside and between, the communities is generally poor, and diminishes the further away from the community base in question. For indigenous communities, cultural differences present an additional boundary to that defined by 'community', and this may also act as a barrier to external network development. The more geographically isolated Maori communities, therefore, have limited knowledge of institutions, individuals or groups of individuals that may, in some way, be involved in community economic development activities or objectives. As a result, these activities or objectives remain isolated or inhibited. For such communities at Stage 2 of the model, where the construction of linkages, particularly external to the communities, is paramount, knowledge of these, or contacts with them are either non-existent, or very weak. This situation means that decision-making about business development for sustainability does not often occur in a context with reflects the world in which these businesses must operate. There are imperatives today for businesses to be widely networked locally, regionally and globally, in order to succeed. Given that businesses cannot operate independently of outside influences, knowledge of these influences and information associated with this, are increasingly associated with competitive success.

Human resource development in the areas illustrated by Stage 2 of the model could be considered to be one of the most fundamental requirements for indigenous sustainable economic development. Specifically, development of skills for information gathering and relationship building with people and organisations associated with indigenous communities, can develop confidence among indigenous people to negotiate and compete effectively in the wider context in which their businesses will be expected to operate. This area of human resource development that is relatively new, but, along with the training in culture and tradition, needs to feature at the front end of HRD initiatives designed to enhance indigenous peoples' effectiveness in business and business development. More conventional approaches to HRD, in terms of training for business, are a necessary part of an overall HRD policy for indigenous sustainable economic development, and these include training in basic business and management skills, as well as specialised industry-level training. Therefore, part of any HRD policy supporting these types of initiatives needs to include an engagement with providers of these types of training. In the context of indigenous communities, the question of the appropriate delivery of HRD training programmes may be an area for special consideration, given that the recipients of such training will be of a cultural and traditional background that may not be the 'norm'. HRD policies must recognise that these people may learn and respond to training in different ways, determined, in part, by their cultural backgrounds and associated values and beliefs. In some indigenous cultures, in-house delivery vehicles for training may already exist.

Implications for HRD policy for Stage 2 of the model in wider regional settings, such as APEC, primarily revolve around the concept that these differences be recognised in the development and implementation of HRD policies. Furthermore, while there are clearly many similarities between indigenous groups, there will also be differences influenced by different cultures and traditions, which may impact differently on HRD policies and policy development.

Stages 3 and 4. The latter stages of the indigenous sustainable economic development model start to relate more closely to conventional types of human resource development. At these stages of the model, businesses are likely to be more fully integrated into the wider commercial environment. Even though they may be motivated and managed according to indigenous values and goals, as discussed earlier, their integration with the wider economy suggests that their HRD issues are likely to be similar to those of conventional, 'mainstream' business. The unique cultural elements, while still important, become less of a focus than the main HRD issues relating to this stage of business development; these include technology development, international market knowledge, research and development, and value creating activities, as well as more direct human resource management issues within the organisations concerned.

In summarising the HRD implications identified with the indigenous sustainable economic development model, it appears that HRD requires a different lens at different stages of the model, and more particularly, a lens focused on culture and tradition in the early two stages. In keeping with the holistic view of indigenous sustainable development, HRD policies can also recognise more explicitly the roles that culture and traditions play in the success and sustainability of communities, as well as businesses. They can provide ways in which the unique characteristics of such communities can be utilised to the advantage, rather than detriment of economic and social outcomes. At the same time, recognition of the important role that they play in economic development should encourage indigenous people to foster the traditional and cultural elements of their communities.

The conclusions of this paper suggest that the sustainable economic development processes for indigenous people incorporate cultural and traditional elements that are often not present, or not explicit in many models of economic sustainable development. These aspects are particularly important in the early stages of economic development, as indicated in the indigenous sustainable economic development model presented in this paper. In the context of sustainable indigenous communities, human resource development policies and programmes must recognise and incorporate the unique cultural and traditional aspects of these communities, and the important part that they play in sustainable economic development. The APEC region comprises many diverse countries with many diverse indigenous and ethnic groups. While not been explored in this paper, it is likely that differences exist between indigenous and ethnic groups in relation to the types of cultural and traditional influences and their impact on economic sustainable development. Thus HRD policy, as it applies to APEC, must take into account, and implement accordingly, the unique cultural and traditional characteristics of a variety of indigenous and ethnic groups, in the context of indigenous business development.

Sustainable development for indigenous communities encompasses a range of factors, and may be said to represent a holistic approach. Interrelationships involve predominantly environmental, social, political and economic factors. In keeping with trends occurring in Western society, many indigenous communities place a high emphasis on social factors, as part of the sustainable economic development process. Given that indigenous communities are strongly driven by cultural considerations and traditional values, these factors also play a very important role in sustainable development. Similarly, when economic development is considered as reflecting communities' desires for greater economic wealth and participation, the other factors also play significant roles. The influences of culture and tradition in indigenous sustainable economic development have been represented in the model described in this paper, and discussed in the context of human resource development. The paper argues that, in the same way that indigenous sustainable economic development is underpinned by cultural and traditional aspects, so should be human resource development policies. The important influences of these factors should be recognised in the design and implementation of HRD policies. Human resource development has the capacity to harness tradition and culture in ways that strengthen, the economic and social outcomes of their contribution, rather than weaken these outcomes through diminishing their roles. Viewed in this way, it becomes apparent that traditions and cultures of indigenous people can create a natural bridge between old (traditional) and new (modem, capitalist-style) perspectives of sustainable development. For instance, as Giddons (1999) suggests, tradition inevitably is interpreted in the light of current contexts and perceptions of the future. In other words, modem-day individuals necessarily interpret tradition and culture in the context of their own life experiences and expectations. When it is realised that tradition and culture need not change in meaning, but may reflect different chronological world-views, they can retain their benefits to communities, while at the same time integrating with modem-day perspectives of indigenous sustainable economic development. The paper highlights the need for HRD policy to recognise and harness the unique traditional and cultural characteristics of indigenous communities. In the APEC context, differences between the cultures and traditions of different indigenous and ethnic groups must also be reflected in HRD policy. Key to the success of these policies are broader sustainable development policies of APEC, and other, nations that reflect the holistic needs of their people, across social, cultural, economic, and political areas.

This paper has provided a preliminary perspective on the ways in which HRD might impact on the achievement of sustainable economic development in indigenous communities. Further research would offer an opportunity to explore the extent to which similarities and differences exist between indigenous groups in terms of sustainable economic development processes and outcomes and the impact on these of HRD policies.

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